Interview with Journalist and GÖP Chairman Mr. Ercan İpekçi: “Our Single Request is Freedom and Fair Trial for Journalists”

Turkey, nowadays with its 90 sentenced and imprisoned journalists is the largest prison for journalists in the world. Many international journalism organizations, including Reporters without Borders, keep warning Turkey on this matter. Every month, various reports on freedom of speech point out to the country’s failure in terms of the freedom of media.

Freedom to Journalists Platform is a tenet organization that brings together 93 local and national journalism foundations under the ‘Freedom to Imprisoned Journalists’ slogan.

For Centre for Policy and Research on Turkey (Research Turkey), we interviewed the chairman[1] of the Freedom to Journalists Platform, Ercan İpekçi about the platform, its establishment, its aims, and the activities until now, in detail. Ercan İpekçi who worked as journalist before, is also the chairman of Journalists Union of Turkey. While preparing the interview for publication, we noted that, two of the numerous accused journalists in prison, Barış Pehlivan and Barış Terkoğlu, who has been in prison for 20 months from Oda TV trials have recently been released by the court on the conditions of trial without arrest.

“Freedom to Journalists Platform has one single request: Freedom and fair trial for journalists”

A Short Summary of the Interview:

“The Platform’s aim is freedom and fair trial for journalists.

 “The activities of the platform had significant impact within both national and international circles by drawing attention to the troubles created by the ‘long-term arrestments’ of the arrested journalists”.

“If journalists were not taken into the custody first one by one, then by fives, later by tens, their colleagues would not be on the squares today in Ankara and Istanbul chanting they would not compromise the principles of free and independent journalism.”     

“The Ministry of Justice still has not shared the statistical information about the cases of investigation, trial, arrestment, and conviction of the journalists neither with public nor the EU”

 “After the last releases of the Oda TV case, worries arose, especially among the relatives of the journalists who were still in prison, about whether the remaining journalists were forgotten.”

“We knew how the journalism activities of our colleagues were shown as ‘terrorist crimes’ in the allegation.”

“The political elite should stop charging the journalists, writers, intellectuals, academicians and students, detained due to crimes of thought, with being terrorists, because this is incorrect diagnosis, which overlooks the main cause of the problem.”

“The Anti-Terror Law in Turkey struggles with the civilians and with the public, not with terror or terrorists. All arrestments are justified as ‘catalog crimes’ by defining the daily activities as terrorist activities.”

The Full Text of the Interview:

‘Aim: Freedom and fair trial for journalists’

In the last two years you led the unification of 92 organizations under the rubric of the Freedom for Journalists Platform. Why was this platform needed? What are the main unifying elements of the platform in a general sense?

The main unifying element of the 93 occupational organizations with different status, different understanding of administrations and with different audience was the fact that a large number of journalists have been in prison because of their professional activities for a long time. The need to act collectively against this unjust enforcement created the Freedom for Journalists Platform (GÖP). The congregation of journalist professional organizations under a common roof is actually not a new thing. 11 press occupational organizations with the name J-9 Journalism Occupational Organizations Platform[2] (from now on J-9 Platform) for more than 10 years, had been acting together, convening periodically and determining common policies.

The ‘Freedom to Press’ Campaign started on 24 May 2010 by the initiative of the J-9 Platform and the suggestion of the Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS). European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), which the TGS is a member of, called for the release of the journalists in prison in Turkey, and amendments in Turkish Criminal Code and Turkish Civil Code during the General Assembly of 16-18 April 2010 in Istanbul. Again there was a petition campaign led by the TGS and J-9 titled, ‘Freedom to Journalists’. International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), which the TGS is again a member of, in its General Assembly in Cadiz on 25-28 May 2010 decided to support the ‘Freedom to Journalists’ campaign. During the campaign, on 18 August 2010, some press occupational organizations assembled under Turkish Journalists Association (TGC) with the agenda of ‘fair trial for journalists’ and published a common declaration. The organizations that signed the declaration protesting the long-term custodies and demanding that the journalists should be tried without custody are: TGC, TGS, Federation of Journalists of Turkey (TGF), Council of Press, Association of Contemporary Journalists (ÇGD), Association of İzmir Journalists (İGC), Association of Institute of Press, TGC Senate of Press, and Foundation of Press Journalists Association.

The organizations that took part in this declaration, with the suggestion of TGC, decided that these meetings should be maintained with the agenda of freedom of press and a wider range of participation. Upon this call, 14 press occupational organizations, convened on 25 August 2010 at the Council of Press declared that they have founded the Freedom for Journalists Platform. The organizations that signed the declaration are: Council of Press, TGC, TGS, TGF, ÇGD, Association of Institute of Press, The Association of Economy Reporters, The Association of Newspapers Owners, The Union of the Press Broadcasting Communication Postal Workers, The Association of Culture Tourism Environment Journalists, Turkish Sport Writers Association, Council of Ethics of Media, The Association of the Professional News Cameramen. The founding institutions of the J-9 Platform also joined GÖP from the beginning.

By time, the number of the GÖP members has increased to 94 with the participation of Turkish Publishers Union, Turkish Union of the Writers, the Uğur Mumcu Foundation of Research Journalism, the Association of Communication Research, Turkish Journalists Unions of Europe, Turkish Centre of the World Writers Union (PEN), and 66 local journalist associations. However, with the closure of the Association of Newspapers Owners, this number has decreased to 93. The only organization that declares withdrawal from the GÖP is the Council of Ethics of Media so far. The reason why Council of Ethics of Media separated from the platform was that it did not approve the reactions of the Platform against the Oda TV operation.

‘Main statement: ‘We will not be silent!’’

The need for the establishment of the GÖP was summarized in the declaration titled; ‘We will not be silent!’ announced at Taksim Square after the march at İstanbul on 4 March 2011 as following:

‘If the freedoms of press and speech in Turkey were incomparably more developed than the USA, as some ministers claimed, 85 professional organizations, 25 of which are nationally and 60 of which are locally active, would not come together and establish the Freedom for Journalists Platform.

If Vedat Kurşun were not sentenced to 174 years of imprisonment, if Emine Demir were not punished with 138 years of imprisonment, if Erdal Süsem’s life time imprisonment were not approved by the Court of Appeals, the journalist occupational organizations would not need to gather at Taksim Square today.

If our fellow journalists, who did not even think they would lead to their colleagues’ imprisonments when they criticized them on the basis of their ideas, did not have a bad conscience and a suspicious mind, we would not get together at Taksim Square in order to unify all sounds of all consciences.

If journalists were not taken into custody first one by one, then by fives, later by tens, their colleagues would not be on the squares today in Ankara and Istanbul chanting they would not compromise the principles of free and independent journalism.

If the criticisms we posed as professional organizations since 2005, when Turkish Criminal Code became effective, were taken seriously, if our objections to the 2006 amendments in line with the demands of the army on Anti-Terror Law were considered, Turkey would not wake up to new raids and shame of new custodies and arrests.

Of course we trust the judiciary, but if we were not subject to numerous unjust charges, if the trials did not last too long, we would not have to face the fact that the arrestments turn into execution without due process.

If the emissaries did not stall despite the warnings of the professional organizations 5 years ago and say ‘let us wait for the trials to result, and see the jurisprudence’, today the prisons would not be full of journalists.’

Against the present circumstances, there exist no developments eliminating these. On the contrary, the new parliament formed after the elections of 2011 shattered the existing hopes even more by not putting amendment of the laws restricting freedoms of press and speech to its agenda.

‘To the journalists who are still in prison: ‘we have not forgotten you!’’

The public has thoroughly focused on the cases of Ahmet Şık and Nedim Şener. The Platform started a campaign at the Çağlayan Courthouse for the release of all journalists in Oda TV trial under the name of ‘Testimony Days’. How did this process unfold?

As GÖP, we try to carry out our activities for all journalists. Besides the names known by the public, we fight for the freedom of our colleagues whose names are not known but who are in prison in many different parts of Turkey. Of course, public has developed a serious amount of sensitivity after the Oda TV operations of February and March 2011. Suspicions both from national and international circles have arisen about the arrests of journalists. The growth of the mass protests and the increase in participation coincided with the Oda TV arrests.

However, as GÖP, we did not focus on only one case. We also followed the journalists’ cases in Diyarbakır, Ankara, Silivri. We visited not only the journalists in Silivri Prison, but we also met with our colleagues from the socialist press in Ankara Sincan Type F Prison. Since last year, our demands to visit the journalists from the Kurdish press have been overruled twice. Now, we want to visit the Diyarbakır Prison once again on 16 July[3]. We hope to meet with our colleagues this time. Later, we plan to visit Kandıra Prison where journalists are under arrest due to KCK (Union of Communities in Kurdistan) case, and we plan to visit Bakırköy Women Prison where women journalists are imprisoned.

Again, last year, to spread ‘Freedom for Journalists’ campaign, the Congress of Freedom for Journalists assembled; the Solidarity Day with Close Relatives of Arrested Journalists has been organized with the suggestion of journalist Bedri Adanır who is currently in Diyarbakır Prison; the Arrested Journal was published twice on 24 July 2011 and 10 January 2012 respectively[4]. The Freedom for Journalists campaign has continued uninterrupted with variety of events that attracted public attention and a wide range of participation. Again, last year the campaign to send postcards to the journalists in international prisons was arranged. A committee of representatives of the international journalist organizations came to Turkey and followed Oda TV trial, convened with the close relatives of journalists in prison, met with the group deputy chairmen of the Turkish Grand National Assembly political parties. Meanwhile, the campaign of ‘adopting the jailed journalists’ by the European Federation of Journalists is going on in the European countries.

While all these organizations follow their own path, after the last releases of the Oda TV case, worries arose, especially among the relatives of the journalists who were still in prison, about whether the remaining journalists were forgotten. Because of the internal problems of the TGS, the Union could not focus enough on the campaign of freedom of press which, I suppose, had its repercussions on increasing the concerns of relatives of the arrested journalists. The government, which is disturbed by the leading role of the TGS, pointed the Union as a target and tried to discharge it from the Anatolia Agency. Our members were forced to resign from the Union, and it was aimed to lead the Union to convene on an extraordinary basis and dismiss the present administration. Due to the antagonism with the government on the one hand and conflicts rising inside the organization on the other, unfortunately, the Freedom for Journalists campaign lost its place as the center of attention for the TGS. In the extraordinary congress, the accuracy of the policies of Union was once again confirmed.

After the discussions in the congress, we started from scratch and stood up like an infant after 4-5 months of suspension period. We started searching for ways of mobilizing the freedom for press campaign and bring it back to the agenda of the public. In June, the Journalists Union of Turkey took over the presidency of the GÖP.  Before the takeover, while we were contemplating what kind of activities can be organized in the new term, we decided to testify in the public arena that our colleagues in prisons are not ‘terrorists’, ‘murderers’, or ‘rapists’; but they are ‘trialed due to their journalism activities’. In that period, the charges against the journalists arrested in KCK operation were made public too. We knew how the ‘journalism activities’ of our colleagues were shown as ‘terrorist crimes’ in the allegation.

Consequently, the proposal for Testimony Days was embraced by the GÖP. Right after our proposal was accepted, we built a team inside the Union to run the Testimony Days project. The representatives from the media organizations that the arrested journalists used to work with, and from the newspapers Atılım, Aydınlık, BirGün, Evrensel, Özgür Gündem participated in this team. The posters and the main slogans to be used were drafted. Different options about where to hold the Testimony Days were put on the table. Finally, it has been decided that the activity would be carried out in front of the Çağlayan Courthouse which all other high criminal courts moved to. In a very short period of time, first preparations were completed and on 5 June, the Testimony Days kicked off. This series of activities has been carried out persistently for 18 days with good attendance. We were not demoralized on the days with low attendance; on the contrary, we worked harder to increase support for the next day. The team worked in the Union for long hours every day to get ready for the testimonies of the next day. Summarized information about the journalists was collected, photographs were organized, and excerpts from the allegation were made. It was ensured that the families attended to the Testimony Days.

Thus, even though the mainstream media ignored our activities most of the time, we think we were able to mobilize the public and some interested circles once again through the newspapers Aydınlık, BirGün, Cumhuriyet, Evrensel, and Özgür Gündem. On 18 June, on the day of Oda TV hearing, we continued to make our testimonies inside the courthouse. The representatives of the international occupational organizations other than the journalist organizations under the rubric of the GÖP watched the hearings. The press release was made during the hearing. The Testimony Days ended on 28 June. On 29 June, the march called, ‘Empty the Dungeons – Freedom to Journalists’ has been organized.

Throughout June, we aimed to show that we also pay attention to the journalists who are still in prison and they were not forgotten. In July, we scheduled visits to prisons to show our solidarity with our arrested colleagues. In September, the hearings will start again. The hearings will be made for the KCK journalists’ case on 10 September and for Oda TV on 14 September[5]. We will try to follow these hearings with broad participation; and we will have other activities added to our agenda.

‘Long Term Arrestments’

Do you think that the activities of the platform have had any results until now?

The activities of the platform had significant effects in both national and international circles by drawing attention to the troubles created by the long-term arrestments of the journalists. Also, the efforts given by the professional organizations that work with the platform under this tenet, the meetings they arranged nationally and internationally, and the reports they prepared influenced the understanding of the matter that the problem stems from the articles in Turkish Criminal Code, Anti-Terror Law, and Law of Criminal Procedure notably. However, there is a limit to these efforts. Even though everybody complains about the existing situation, neither the government nor the parliament has taken any action to make the necessary arrangements. Nevertheless, under the tenet of the platform, attendance of the journalists from all walks of life and the visits to the prisons give the sentenced and imprisoned journalists a great moral support, and help them not feel alone. The Platform also assists solidarity formation between the colleagues and families of the journalists in prisons.

How many journalists are arrested at the moment? Which newspapers are the arrestees from?

When we started the Testimony Days on 5 June, 102 journalists were in prison. While we update the information about the journalists whom we give testimonies for, we have found out that some of our colleagues had already been released. Some of them were released as the Testimony Days proceed. However, throughout the process, we have found that some new people we are not familiar with were also in prison; and we added them to our list. In the Testimony Days we have testified for 91 journalists. Among these people Müyesser Uğur was released after the testimony. Right now, 90 of our colleagues are still in prison 11 of which sentenced and 79 of which are imprisoned[6]. 20 of the imprisoned journalists are women.

The majority of the journalists in prison work in the Kurdish media, at the newspapers Azadiya Welat, Dicle Haber Ajansı, Özgür Gündem in particular. Journalists from the socialist media (Atılım and Yürüyüş) rank the second. Media workers from the broad spectrum of Oda TV, Aydınlık, Ulusal Kanal, Kanal B, Kanal Biz, Cumhuriyet, Vatan, Evrensel, Birgün, Özgür Halk, Türkiye Gerçeği Journal, Artı İvme Journal, Demokratik Modernite Journal, Red Journal, Devrimci Hareket Journal, Eylül Sanat ve Edebiyat Journal, Kamu Emekçileri Cephesi Journal, Ekmek ve Adalet Journal, Baran Journal, Aram Yayınları, Etik Ajans, ANF, Gün Tv, Radyo Dünya, Mezitli FM, Özgür Radyo, Yüksekova Gündem and Heviya Jine are still in prison.

What does Freedom for Journalists Platform think about arrested deputies?

Solution of the problem of arrested deputies by the Parliament would give us hope for our fight for the freedom of press. However, the hope was lost due to the ignorance of the political elite about the promises they have given, and to the dysfunction of the Parliament. How can it be possible to expect a Parliament that is unable to protect its own members to find solutions to societal problems?

‘The Ministry of Justice still has not shared the statistical information about the cases of investigation, trial, arrestment, and conviction of the journalists neither with public nor the EU’

The Government stated that the arrested journalists are not imprisoned due to ‘journalism offenses’; it was emphasized that they were arrested because of their involvement in terrorist organisations. How does the Platform evaluate this?

The GÖP follows only the cases of the journalists who are tried and arrested because of their intellectual offenses. In spite of this, the Platform does not follow the cases of journalists who are tried or sentenced due to fraud, child abuse, or instigating murder. The GÖP fights for the invalidity of the allegations against the journalists listed by the Platform on their ‘terrorist activities’. All the colleagues whose lawsuits we follow were put into prison due to their ‘journalism activities’.

There are also journalists imprisoned for ordinary crimes (fraud, molestation-Hüseyin Üzmez got out of prison, other than him there exists another person whose name we do not know-, instigating murder – the owners and executives of local newspapers are still in prison because of murder of Cihan Hayırsevener-). However, the Platform does not follow the hearings of the sentenced due to judicial crimes. The TGS, according to the international criteria also adopted by the Platform, follows the incidents of investigations, trials, arrestments, and convictions of the press persons by the articles 19, 24, and 25 of the Press Law numbered 5187; the articles 6 and 7 of Anti-Terror Law numbered 3713; the articles of the Law About the Crimes and Offences Performed Against Atatürk numbered 5816; the articles 125, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 214, 215, 216, 217, 220, 277, 285, 288, 301, 318 and all other related articles about freedoms of press and speech of the Turkish Criminal Code.

In fact, in June 2011 the Ministry of Justice, when asking from the courts of first instance through the public prosecution offices for statistical information about the cases of investigation, trial, arrestment, and conviction of the journalists, prepared a table featuring the aforementioned 22 articles, including crimes of thought.  The Ministry, while arranging these articles, knew very well according to which articles the journalists could be tried due to professional activities, and demanded the statistical information regarding the very 22 articles listed in the table.

It is fair enough that the Ministry of Justice is not interested in the conditions of or the information about the journalists who are tried because of judicial crimes such as murder, fraud, molestation of children. The Ministry of Justice investigates the conditions of the journalists who are sued and investigated for crimes of thought, such as for membership to terrorist organization, propaganda for terrorist organization, aiding and abetting terrorism, incitement to hatred and hostility, provocation to commit an offense, incitement to disobey the law, insulting the institutions and the body of the state and alienating the public from military service. Meanwhile, the Ministry often emphasizes that the freedom of speech, one of the most important chapters within the EU negotiations, is constantly raised both at public and the EU platforms.

However, the Ministry of Justice has still not shared the statistical information demanded from the courts of first instance neither with the professional organizations, public, nor with the European Union, even after more than a year. It is likely that the shame created by this information prevents the Ministry of Justice from publicizing it.

The political elite should stop charging the journalists, writers, intellectuals, academicians and students, detained due to crimes of thought, with being terrorists, because this is incorrect diagnosis, which overlooks the main cause of the problem. The problem is within the definition of crime in Turkish Civil Code and Turkish Criminal Code. The articles restricting the freedoms of press and speech define every action and expression of thought not approved by the political power as ‘a terrorist activity’. Without changing the definitions and elements of crime, it is justifiable to charge the imprisoned journalists with membership to terrorist organization and propaganda for terrorist organization according to the current laws; yet, it is against the universal principles of law, freedoms of press and speech, and basic rights and liberties completely.

Is there any case right now that needs particular attention?

We are trying to follow all the cases of the journalists with equal emphasis. The common element of these cases is that all the journalists are accused of membership and propaganda of terrorist organizations (Ergenekon Case, PKK, KCK, Revolutionary Headquarters, Marxist-Leninist Communist Party-MLKP, and Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front-DHKP-C). But, in no other country of the world – including dictatorships – journalists or intellectuals are put in prison because they publicize their thoughts or criticize unjust practices of the government. There exists a crime for each person, a terrorist organization for each criminal; in the case of absence of these crimes or terrorist organizations they are fabricated.

The Anti-Terror Law in Turkey struggles with the civilians and with the public, not with terror or terrorists. All arrestments are justified as ‘catalog crimes’ by defining the daily activities as terrorist activities.

From the perspective of codified laws, the claim that no journalist in prison is accused for their professional activities may hold true. If we give credit to this claim, then all the journalists in prison are either members of a terrorist organization, or they are aiding and abetting terrorism.

However, all the actions presented as evidences of these abstract allegations are journalism activities. This is the truth beneath everything told by the political elite to deceive public, and the common characteristic of all these lawsuits. Journalists are charged with criticizing and degrading the government by their reports, and departing from the claim that the ‘terrorist organisation’ aims to overthrow the current government, they are told, ‘since you serve the purpose of the terrorist organization by these journalism activities, you are apparently a member’. This is the general frame of all charges and lawsuits.

The detainees have not been arrested at a terrorist camp or something. They have all been taken into custody at their workplaces whilst carrying out their professional activities or at their homes where they live as a result of the operations made. All the so-called ‘evidences’ of these charges are completely based on professional activities of the journalists: the phone calls they had made with their sources, the implicit or explicit documents and information found in their archives, the reports they had written, comments or criticisms they had made, the notes they had taken, the interviews they had made with the members or leaders of illegal organizations, published or unpublished books… These are journalism activities. In these cases it is the journalism put on trial.

‘Changes in Press Law’

What do you think about the new legal regulations package regarding the Press Law?

The changes made on Turkish Criminal Code and Turkish Civil Code with the third judicial package are gravely insufficient in solving the problem of imprisoned journalists and removing the restrictions on freedoms of press and speech. The third judicial package is similar to an amnesty law. The restrictions on freedoms of press and speech are not removed with this package. On the contrary, they are retained. Moreover, this is probationary. It forces the journalists to obey the existing prohibitions for three years.

Whereas we, in line with the ECHR rulings – without the involvement of hate speech and call for violence –, believe in the free expression of ‘not only the harmless and indifferent ideas that are widely accepted by society but also the ideas that shake, shock or disturb the society’, this amnesty law shows ‘censorship and self-censorship’ as a way out for journalists.

Although, the lawsuits, investigations, and convictions may drop by the third judicial package; from day one, there will be new lawsuits and investigations about the journalists and media organs that report by respecting public right to know, in line with the principles of press. We did not want an amnesty law-we fought for a fundamental change. The amnesty law may result in decline of the statistics of shame and give temporary relief to political elite. But this relief would not involve journalists.

In fact, this is a follow-up of the government’s perspective in solving problems through prohibitions and limitations. It is reflected in these words of the Minister of Justice:

‘Right now, Turkey is in the leading position in receiving calls for action to prevent rights violations. But we have taken such measures and we took such important steps that in the near future, we will leave this leadership role to other countries. We are determined to do so. Let me express this clearly. On 23 September 2012, the Constitutional Court will start functioning under the name, ‘Court of Human Rights of Turkey’. This to a serious extent will prevent the applications sent from Turkey to Strasbourg Court’.[7]

The only aim of the political power is to prevent! The law amendments are not on the agenda of the government! The ‘prevention’ of the cases about the violation of human rights and freedom of press from being sent to ECHR is presented as another level in domestic law to be completed and as a solution.

After all, their insistence to call the journalists as ‘terrorists’, which points out to their inability to alter their language despite all reactions, indicates clearly that they have no intention of solving the problems.

The government does not even feel the need to consult the professional organizations during the preparation of these law packages. The government ignores this serious problem about the freedoms of press and speech by constantly changing the public agenda. It is more important for the government to prevent the trial of the undersecretary of the National Intelligence Organization or to drop convictions about misconducts in office of mayors. The changes in Turkish Criminal Code regarding these issues were ratified by the Parliament overnight. However, there is no effort for abolishing the obstacles in terms of freedoms of press and speech.

On the contrary, with the advent of the third judicial package, the penalties for the press havebeen aggravated. The possible imprisonments for the crimes of recording conversations of people illegally and publishing them have been fortified. The main problem here is to ‘record’ these conversations, legally or illegally. Until now, there has been no legal process initiated for those who record these secret conversations or their images. Yet, it is taken into account as criminal acts when a journalist publishes these documents within the field of their reports. There is a great number of lawsuits for these journalists.

Of course, we are not for violation of personal rights. But, the enforcement of heavy imprisonment penalties against journalists, who publish such conversations or images around the professional principles, means nothing more than misdiagnosing the whole issue.

We are thankful to Mr. Ercan İpekçi, the ex-chairman of Freedom for Journalists Platform and Journalists Union of Turkey.

P.S. This interview has been conducted by Centre for Policy Analysis and Research on Turkey (ResearchTurkey) Ankara Representative, Ms. Özge Mumcu

© 2012 Research Turkey. All rights reserved. This publication cannot be printed, reproduced, or copied without referencing the original source.

Please cite this publication as follows:

Research Turkey (October, 2012), “Interview with Journalist and FJP Chairman Mr. Ercan İpekçi: “Our Single Request is Freedom and Fair Trial for Journalists””, Vol. I, Issue 8, pp.6-16, Centre for Policy and Research on Turkey (ResearchTurkey), London, Research Turkey. (http://researchturkey.org/?p=1959)


[1] Editorial Note: The Platform is chaired on a rotating basis. At the time of the interview, Journalists Union of Turkey and its Chairman Ercan İpekçi held the Presidency. The current Chairman of the Platform is Ahmet Abakay from the Contemporary Journalists Association as of September 2012

[2] J-9/Jounalism-9: This stands for the 9 main principles of journalism

[3] Editorial note: The ministry of Justice did not give approval to the Platform’s visit to Diyarbakır Prison.

[4] The third issue of the Journal has been published on 1 September 2012.

[5] GÖP attended both hearings.

[6] As of October 2012, 80 journalists are imprisoned.

[7] Minister of Justice, Sadullah Ergin, 4 May 2012, CNNTürk, Eğrisi Doğrusu with Taha Akyol and Sedat Ergin.


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